Islamism is Fundamentally Different from Islam
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By Zulikha Akrami
Islam as a world major religion which its followers is called Muslim worldwide, is a very divers religion with different interpretations and practices across different culture and regions. The disparities between Islam and Islamism has been a subject of debate for scholars. Bassem Tibi as a Syrian- born German political scientist and scholar specializing in International Relations and Political Islam and a devoted Muslim writes about a distinction between the faith Islam and the religionized politics of Islamism in his very well-known book “Islam and Islamism”. This essay explores the disparities between Islam and Islamism by examining Tibi’s perspective and the concept of Islamology, the understanding of political religion tensions that is turning to a conflict, the role of Al- Qaeda and ISIS in promotion of Islamism as contemporary forms of nationalism, Hanna Arendt’s view of Islam as totalitarian ideology based on Tibi’s interpretation and the rise of antisemitic Islamism in the middle eastern Politics.
To begin with, according to Baseem Tibi, Islamology is a field of social science that examines the connections between Islamic realities and the study of global politics, particularly in relation to international conflicts[1]. It focuses on the interactions of Islamic civilization not only with the Western world but also with the broader global community. He argues that Islamology studies Islamism not, Islam as a faith. It is also a discipline of studying how political religious tensions developed into conflict. He brings the tension between Jews and Muslims as an example of this kind of tensions. Islamology recognizes that such conflicts can arise when political ideologies, such as Islamism, seek to merge religious principles with governance and assert their dominance over society[2]. Islamology understands that political-religious tensions can escalate into conflicts when there is a clash between Islamism and other political ideologies or when Islamism seeks to impose its vision on individuals and communities that do not share its views.
According to Tibi, political-religious tensions in Muslim societies often arise due to the clash between different interpretations of Islam, as well as between Islam and secularism. These tensions can be exacerbated by socio-economic factors, identity politics, and the struggle for power. When these tensions are not adequately addressed or managed, they can escalate into violent conflicts, as witnessed in various parts of the Muslim world. He believes that Islamism grows out of a specific interpretation of Islam, but it is not Islam. It is an ideology use of religion within the political realm. Islamism and Islam are different entities should not be confused[3]. He emphases that this distinction is crucial to belief that Muslims can coexist with non-Muslims in peace and the faith of Islam is not a barrier for peace or a danger to the non-Muslims. Knowing the disparities helps to prevent the spread of stereotypes and biases about Islam. He promotes a scholarly critique of Islamism based on enlightened Muslim thought, which can contribute to conflict resolution and bridge inter-civilizational gaps. He says that Islamism wants instrumentalized Islam for politics and often supports a narrow-minded and intolerant way of thinking that goes against the values of diversity, democracy, and human rights.
He pointed out that Islamism, in order to response to their critics and protect themselves, the use the Islamophobia. They could use Islamophobia in different ways. For instance, Polarizing rhetoric is a way Islamists may use Islamophobia as a tool to create “us versus them” and them can be the enemies or those who don’t share the same ideology. Or instrumentalizing incidents that Islamists sometimes take advantage of instances where Muslims face discrimination or hate crimes. They use these incidents to make Islamophobia seem more widespread and serious than it actually is, in order to gain political advantages[4].
Furthermore, Al Qaeda and ISIS are two extremist groups operating in Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have used the Islamism as instrument to promote their agendas. Although, both groups have different ideologies and approaches, they share similarities in the use of Islamism as form of contemporary nationalism. Their action do not represent the Muslims majority views who practice a moderate form of Islam . Al Qaeda founded by Osama Bin Laden work toward establishing a global Islamic Caliphate that would unite the world of Muslims and this group use the act of terrorism and they plan and attacks of 9/11 and its know as international terrorism group by United Nations security council. ISIS, which is also called the Islamic State[5], came into existence as a separate faction that branched off from Al Qaeda. It claimed authority by declaring itself a caliphate in certain regions of Iraq and Syria, with the goal of creating a strict Islamic state following their extreme interpretation of Sharia law.
These extremist groups have use various tactics to attract human resources or follower for implementing their agenda. They target the emotions of some Muslims who feel marginalized, oppressed and humiliated, especially in places affected by political instability or conflict. They show up as defender and protector of Muslim community to establish a shared identity and sense of belonging among their group followers. Additionally, both group present and frame the conflict, the struggles between Islam and west as clash of civilizations and they introduce themselves as Islamic group who are fighting against the imperialism of west, that aim is to weaken Islam values and Islamic culture invasions[6]. Doing these, they aim to create a sense of nationalism which is rooted in the religion.
Also, Al-Qaeda and ISIS take advantage of ongoing tension and conflicts. For example, the ongoing tension between Israel and Palestine, war in Afghanistan and Iraq to empower this Islamism agendas. I would say that Taliban are also the younger brother of these groups based on their Islamism ideology. It is worth mentioning that they are not the representative of vast majority of Muslims who are called liberal Muslims by Tibi. Majority of Muslims practice a peaceful Islam and reject the extremist interpretation of Islam by these groups.
Moreover, Hannah Arendt a political theorist of the 20th century wrote about the theory of Totalitarianism that has a powerful impact on the study of ideology and political system. Baseem Tibi in his book Islamism and Islam discuss about Hanna Arendt and Islamism that applies the concept of totalitarianism in Islam. Based on Arendt, totalitarianism is a distinct from of political rule that have complete dominance of the state and over all aspects of public and private life. She believes that totalitarian regimes seek to eliminate individuality, suppress dissent or criticism, and want to control all fabric of society including politics, economy and culture.[7] Baseem Tibi mentioned that in view of Arendt any regimes that emanates from a failure of democracy and development as the Nazi regime and antisemitic a totalitarian. Although Tibi cited from Arendt student, Young- Bruehl stating that Arendt dealt with secular totalitarian ideology, not with religion, he talked about the arendt point of view on national socialism and Stalinism which is functioned as political religions. Based on Young- Bruehl, religious ideologies both grow from and foster the kind of super sense that had characterized the totalitarian ideologies. Between politicized religion and totalitarian ideologies Baseem Tibi maintain that contemporary Islamism is the most prominent case of a political religion and can be interpreted with the assistance of Arendt’s work as a new kind of totalitarianism. Tibi highlight that he limits his references to Arendt’s first two levels such as ideology and movement and he leaves aside the third level which is political rule. He gives United Islamic Front whose founder is Osama bin Laden as an example of Islamism movement that can be kind of imperialism or totalitarianism.
Also, Tibi criticizes Arendt and her student Young Bruehl on not distinguishing Islamism as something separate from Islam. He believes that only on the ground of this distinction is it possible to argue that Islamist thinking weather institutional or jihadist is a totalitarian ideology while Islam is not. Tibi suggest that Islamism as a political ideology that seeks to establish Islamic states governed by Sharia’s law can be seen as a form of Totalitarianism. Because of sharing key characteristics such as desire to control all aspects of society, rejection of pluralism, suppression of individual rights and the imposition of singular world view. Tibi point out that based on Arendt totalitarian movements can command the same total loyalty in life and death, the same loyalty is a demand of all Islamism movements from their followers which is more than mere submission to a dictatorship.
In accordance to Tibi, Totalitarian movements aim to succeed in organizing masses, not classes like the masses Arendt described, the politicalized ummah that Islamism aims to mobilize against the Kuffer those who are unbelievers is subjected to believing in and following a made-up or imaginary world. The Islamists argue that Islam is under attack by an imaginary enemy, Jews and Crusaders. He bolds out that distinction between Islamism and Islam can help us here too. Islam is a faith that believes in the existence of one God and considers itself a global religion. It recognizes Judaism as another religion that also believes in a single God. But Islamism adopts from Nazi ideology the idea that the Jews present and existential threat.
Ultimately, Tibi writes that anti-Semitism and Judeophobia disease never excited in Islam before the 20th century and its first appearance in the world of Islam was an adoption more or less form German by secular Arab nationalists in the 1930s[8]. He believes that the most recent Islamization of anti-Semitism is a different and more dangerous. Islam as a faith and culture is free of hatred, and this anti-Semitism is a feature of contemporary Islamism[9]. So that the distinction between Islam and Islamism is very significate to define the relation of Islam to Israel, Jews and to the West in general. Tibi cites from Bostom where, Andrew Bostom makes disturbing argument that there is a specific Islamic anti-Semitism that prevent any mutual recognition between Islam and Judaism. And he says that anti-Semitism is somehow traditional and sessional to Islam. This assert that antisemitism is as old as Islam itself. Tibi believes that Bostom’s argument is wrong and says that Muslim Jews hatred is entirely a 20th century phenomenon.
Tibi says that the idea of Islamic antisemitism reinforced the fault lines between Muslims and Jews at the same time when we need to promote bridging between groups. He suggests that any at a Jews- Muslim dialogue to achieve a share understanding need not only a proper knowledge of distinctions between Islam and Islamism but also between Judeophobia and antisemitism[10]. He argues that two themes in Islamist ideology underlie its version of antisemitism such as the Islamist idea of Islam under siege and idea of a competition over the political order of the world.
Moreover, the anti-Semitism in the Middle East springs from the developments after World War I that boost a transformation of the nationalist mood from liberal to populist. He points out that anti-Jewish ideas and stories have existed in the Middle East for a long time, even before the emergence of Islamism. However, he argues that Islamist groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and its related movements have adopted and spread antisemitism as a part of their beliefs. France and Great Britain promised independence to Arab nationalists for their support against the Ottoman Empire but broke their promises after the empire's defeat. The Sykes-Picot Agreement turned the region into colonies. Arab nationalists felt betrayed, denounced their former allies, and sought a new ally in Germany, perceiving it as a fairer European state[11].
Arab nationalists initially embraced French culture but later shifted towards Germany. This Germanophilia made them vulnerable to antisemitic propaganda and influenced their exclusionary concept of nation. Some nationalists circulated anti-Jewish texts and held antisemitic views. Initially, the Nazis were not interested when Arab nationalists sought their support against their French and British colonizers. However, they changed their stance when they realized that Britain was their enemy, not a potential ally. The Nazis saw an opportunity to use Arab nationalists not only against Jews but also against the British. This alliance led to the adoption of anti-Semitic ideology by pan-Arab nationalists. Consequently, this marked the entry of a totalitarian and genocidal form of anti-Semitism into the Islamic world. Nazi were most active in spreading antisemitic propaganda in the Middle East when Nazai Germany occupied France.
As Tibi discuss in Islamism and Islam book, he named several influential theoreticians who have played a role in shaping Islamist theory and promoting antisemitic ideas. Tibi specifically mentions the influence of individuals like Sayyid Qutb, Hassan al-Banna, and Maulana Maududi.
Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian Islamist, criticized societies deviating from Islamic principles using the concept of jahiliyya[12]. His writings portrayed Jews as enemies of Islam, contributing to the emergence of antisemitic beliefs within Islamism. Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood[13], emphasized the perceived threat of Zionism and its alleged global conspiracies. This viewpoint laid the groundwork for incorporating antisemitic rhetoric in Islamist circles. And Maulana Maududi, a Pakistani Islamist, proposed the idea of an Islamic state governed by Shari'a law. Although not explicitly antisemitic, Maududi's concept indirectly marginalized non-Muslims, including Jews, within the Islamist framework.
To sum up, the disparities between Islam and Islamism are significant and must be understood in order to promote peace, prevent stereotypes, and foster dialogue between different religious and ideological groups. Islamology, as discussed by Bassem Tibi, provides a framework for studying the political-religious tensions that arise when ideologies like Islamism merge with governance and seek dominance over society. It is crucial to recognize that Islamism is a distinct political ideology that utilizes religion for its political agenda, whereas Islam itself is a diverse faith practiced by millions of Muslims worldwide. The rise of extremist groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS, who manipulate Islamism to promote their agendas, should not be seen as representative of the majority of Muslims who practice a peaceful form of Islam. Additionally, the concept of totalitarianism, as analyzed by Hannah Arendt, can shed light on the nature of Islamism as a new form of political religion with totalitarian tendencies. However, it is essential to differentiate between Islamism and Islam, as Islam itself is not inherently totalitarian or anti-Semitic. Understanding these distinctions can contribute to conflict resolution, bridge inter-civilizational gaps, and promote mutual understanding between different religious and cultural groups.
Zulikha Akrami is a political science graduate student at Northeastern Illinois university. She served as Community Engagement Researcher at Urban Institutes and held the position of ASA-APA Program Coordinator at the Alliance for Multicultural Community Services. Zulikha, has contributed publishing opinion pieces in various national and international platforms in both English and Farsi. Her articles primarily center around women, education, and security, with a specific focus on Afghanistan and the wider region. She is a fellow at Every Women Treaty that actively contributes to the organization’s efforts to advocate for the rights of women and promote gender equality on a global scale.
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[1] Tibi, B. (2012). Preface ix, Islamism and Islam. Yale University Press.
[2] Perry, G. E. (1999/07/31/). Challenging "islamic fundamentalism": The challenge of fundamentalism; political islam and the new world disorder; against islamic extremism; the writings of muhammad said al-ashmawy. Domes, 8(1), 19. Retrieved from https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/challenging-islamic-fundamentalism-challenge/docview/205006598/se-2
[3] Ibid, P.7
[4] Bertran, L. V. (2018). Islamophobia, Security Narratives and Countering Violent Extremism:Dangerous Liaisons. Sectarianism and the Politics of Hate.
[5] Byman, D. (2015). Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the global jihadist movement : what everyone needs to know. Oxford University Press
[6] Abdulhamid Ozohu-Suleiman,Mohammed Enesi Etudaiye. (2013). CLASH OF CULTURES: THE INTERFACE BETWEEN ISLAM AND THE WEST. Global Journal of Politics and Law Research. Retrieved from https://eajournals.org/wp-content/uploads/CLASH-OF-CULTURES-THE-INTERFACEBETWEEN- ISLAM-AND-THE-WEST.pdf
[7] Ibid, P.209
[8] Ibid, P.56
[9] Perdue, S. (2008). Tibi says anti-Semitism is view of radical 'Islamists'. Cornell Chronicle.
[10] Ibid,P.55
[11] Ulrichsen, K. (2014). The First World War in the Middle East. Hurst & Company.
[12] Khatab, S. (2006). The political thought of Sayyid Qutb : the theory of jahiliyyah. Routledge
[13] Azoulay, R. (2015). SIŁA IDEI. WPŁYW HASSANA AL-BANNA I SAYYIDA QUTB NA BRACTWO MUZUŁMAŃSKIE. Przeglad Strategiczny, 5(8), 171-. https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2015.1.12